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New Student Tech Info (All in One Post)

Where Can I Get Tech Support?

Network Information

Connect to UMD Secure or UMD WiFi
Connecting to UMD secure will open a pop up where you can sign in using your Directory ID and password. No browser sign-in required. It’s encrypted using WPA2/WPA technology.
The "UMD" network is intended to provide wireless access to university guests as well as faculty, staff, and students who have not (or cannot) set up WPA2/WPA on their wireless device. Like parents and siblings helping during move-in!
The umd-guest wireless network is available for guests to the University of Maryland, College Park. The network:
  • Provides guests with 24 hours of access to UMD’s wireless network after creating an account.
  • Allows you to connect up to three devices per account (which is based on your email/phone number combination).
  • Requires your name, email address, mobile device carrier, and mobile phone number for account setup.
  • Requires a device capable of receiving SMS text messages to complete the account setup.
Eduroam https://umd.service-now.com/itsc?id=kb_search&query=eduroam&spa=1
The University of Maryland has joined eduroam (education roaming), a secure, worldwide roaming Internet access service developed for the international research and education community. Eduroam allows campus community members at any participating institution to use wireless network services at any other participating institution with the simplicity and convenience of using the login credentials issued to them by their home institutions. This means that UMD students, faculty, and staff visiting member institutions abroad may use [[email protected]](mailto:[email protected]) and Directory password to log into wireless at other member institutions.
Ethernet Cable and Device Registration
Keep an Ethernet cable in your dorm just in case a wireless network outage occurs. Register your devices now, so you’ll be prepared. It’s recommended that you use Ethernet instead of WiFi when possible. It is a faster connection and more reliable.
Ethernet Port Not Working
If you’ve registered your device and tried different ports you should contact the service desk. Occasionally, the Ethernet ports need to be re-activated at the beginning of a semester on our end. You can create a support ticket here (click Service Desk) or call 301.405.1500. If you have any trouble or questions, let me know.
Wi-Fi Setup
We have a wireless onboarding tool that quickly and safely verifies your identity and configures your device to access two secured wireless networks that can be used on campus: eduroam and umd-secure. It optimally configures your device, and allows your device to automatically connect to either network after the initial setup. Learn more about the onboarding tool from our UMD Wifi & Connectivity FAQ video. Setup.wireless.umd.edu
Antivirus and VPN
We recommend you do some research on UMD supported VPN and anti-virus software to protect yourself.
Connecting Gaming Systems
Through Ethernet connection https://umd.service-now.com/itsc?id=kb_article_view&sys_kb_id=17a5e1113791e20041271f9543990eca&sysparm_tsqueryId=531607fddb08af00f7ccfff31d9619b4&sysparm_rank=1
We recommend connecting through an Ethernet connection for many reasons. Better connection and saves broadband for those who may be studying or working. Some systems may not connect to UMD WiFi at all. Although you may be able to connect using the “UMD” network and the system's browser to sign in.


Terpware provides students with a long list of software to download. All you have to do in most cases is log in to download.
Some examples:
  • Adobe Creative Cloud: Photoshop, InDesign, Illustrator, Premiere, etc
  • Microsoft Office: Word, Excel, PowerPoint
  • VPN
  • Antivirus
  • Operating Systems
  • SPSS
No Adobe Creative Cloud License
All you have to do is log in as an Enterprise account using your directory ID and password. There are no yearly renewals. You will have access through UMD while enrolled.

Other Student Resources

Lynda: http://lyndatraining.umd.edu/
A service provided by UMD, use it to develop skills in Adobe Creative Suite, Microsoft Office, leadership, project management, social media, video production, and a wide range of other topics.
Student Welcome Page
Find out about other IT services for students at https://it.umd.edu/students and our Service Catalog. Also, info for troubleshooting and how-tos in Knowledge Base/IT Library.
Spotlight Blog: https://it.umd.edu/spotlight
Connections are articles about DIT services, updates, and enhancements. They can help you upgrade your use of IT services to get things done! Voices are articles by UMD and DIT students, faculty, and staff about IT-related topics.

Directory ID

Directory ID vs. UID
Your directory ID is alphanumeric. Your UID is numeric (and can be found on your UMD ID card).
Reset Directory Password Using A Recovery Phone
Use a recovery phone to reset your directory ID password.
Add a phone by going to https://identity.umd.edu/

Troubleshooting cable TV

To connect, find the Coaxial port in your room. Connect a coaxial cable to the port and to your TV. Students who report trouble with their coax cable TV in their room should go to https://drf.umd.edu/cablehelp. There are some troubleshooting steps and links to Xfinity support. Let me know if you need any more help.

Terrapin Tech

Who will be helping me out?
  • Apple and Dell Certified technicians
  • Full-time and student employees
What services are provided?
  • Discounted Tech Products. The products are generally cheaper than buying them directly from the manufacturer with better protection, thanks to Terrapin Tech's education discount.
  • There are regularly occurring promotions like the upcoming Faculty and Staff Appreciation event on November 16. Students are also eligible to participate. Pre-orders on techstore.umd.edu/ end tonight!
  • Certified diagnosis and Repairs on Some Lenovo, Dell computers that are under warranty, and in- and Apple computers both in and out of warranty.
  • Terrapin Tech will provide you a loaner while your machine is receiving warranty repairs as long as you are a current student/employee.
  • Software Support: Terrapin Tech can support Windows, Apple, and UNIX operating systems, as well as standard productivity applications, and can help with internet and networking troubleshooting and a wide range of UMD, academic, and administrative applications. Support for other software is offered on a best-effort basis.
  • Additional Services: In addition to the services outlined above, trained technicians can provide support with data backups, data migration, virus removal, and more. If you are having software or hardware issues with your machine, please stop by McKeldin Library so that one of the technicians can diagnose or assist with the issue.
Non-Warranty Repair
Non-warranty repair: In certain situations, the Service Desk can provide repair services to non-Apple/Dell/Lenovo machines, however, the customer will need to pay out of pocket for any parts required. It is up to the technician's discretion if a non-Apple/Dell/Lenovo machine can be serviced.
Computer Specification for Each College
We get a lot of questions about computer specs. This article lays out the minimum specifications recommended for each college by Terrapin Tech.


Go to https://identity.umd.edu/mfaprofile. This is where you can register, remove, or reactivate devices. You can generate bypass codes, and register a hardware token. Reactivation would be performed if you get a new phone with a preexisting number. You should register a backup device and print bypass codes. This article outlines how to register the various authentication methods.
Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UP23plsC70s
Authentication Methods
Note: You only have to authenticate a service on a single device once every 24 hours.
Why Can't We Use YubiKey?
Each institution must administer YubiKey individually, including enrollment management and local support. That work poses some challenges and takes time in a large enterprise environment like UMD. At this time, we are investigating the options available and feasibility of support for roll-out to campus.
​Why Duo?
UMD's MFA provider, DuoSec, works with our Central Authentication Service (CAS) across multiple systems. It also provides an efficient way to manage user rules and authentication methods. Those were important points for us.
Why are we doing it?
Verizon's 2017 data breach report showed that 81% of data breaches began due to weak or compromised passwords. 1,687 users were victimized by a phishing attack at UMD. MFA makes account compromise significantly more difficult. Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ib1lzEplOqU
We require everyone to register for MFA because if a scammer gets access to your accounts, they can use it to get access to other accounts of yours or put other student accounts at risk. You'd be surprised about what scammers target. In these videos we linked, there are examples of hacking ELMS.
Add a Mobile Device
You can download duo on all your phones, tablets, IPADs, etc by registering it using the MFA Profile (identity.umd.edu/mfaprofile). It is a good idea to have the app on multiple devices. It’s less than 20 megabytes on most devices.
Benefits of the App
The app is generally the fastest method. You click Send a Push from your computer and accept the push on your phone. No codes to enter or text messages. If you have no cell or WiFi connection or are traveling, you can use the app to generate a code. Tap your UMD account from the app home screen and click the refresh icon to generate codes.
Make MFA Easier
There are two options for making MFA more convenient.
Remember Me for 24 Hours: By this checkbox on the bottom of an authentication prompt, you will not be asked to authenticate on this device and browser for 24 hours.
The auto-push feature automatically prompts the authentication method of your choice in Duo Mobile.
  • Click Manage under Devices & Settings from your MFA profile.
  • Under Default Device, select your default device from the drop-down menu.
  • Under When I log in, select the Automatically send this device a Duo Push option.
Traveling or No Wifi and Cell Connection
If you are traveling or don’t have any connectivity, you may have to rely on codes to authenticate. There are three ways to generate codes that do not require any cellular on internet connectivity:
  1. Using the app to generate a code
  2. Buying and registering a hardware token
  3. Printing bypass codes
Don’t Have Access to Your Device?
Bypass codes are a great backup option. You can print them and store them in your wallet for example. They expire in 180 days if you don’t use them. You may want to consider the other methods, too. You can buy a hardware token or register your dorm or office phone for the Callback method if you have one. If you find yourself completely unequipped to authenticate, call us at 301.405.1500 or stop by Terrapin Tech.
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“Dying to get a house?” The health outcomes of the South African low-income housing programme

“Dying to get a house?” The health outcomes of the South African low-income housing programme Lochner Marais*, Jan Cloete 1 Centre for Development Support (IB 100), University of the Free State, PO Box 339, Bloemfontein, South Africa article info Article history: Available online 26 February 2014 Keywords: Low-income housing Housing programmes Health outcomes abstract This paper examines the health impacts of the South African housing subsidy programme. A distinction is made between subsidised housing units, informal settlements (slums), informal housing units and formal urban areas, and the differences and similarities between the various typologies are explored. Binomial logistic and linear regressions are utilised in order to understand the relationships between the different housing typologies and health outcomes. Although subsidised housing units score better in terms of some adult and child health indicators, the binomial logistic and linear regressions show that health outcomes are more impacted by service-related factors than by housing structure. The results suggest that the housing subsidy policy framework should be reconsidered, taking into account the important role of urban services, particularly in regard to the upgrading of informal settlements. 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Introduction The link between housing and health has been firmly established in epidemiological research (Thomson & Petticrew, 2005). However, arriving at a full understanding of the causal relationships in this respect has proven to be more problematic (Bradley, Stephens, Harpham, & Cairncross, 1992; Galea & Vlahov, 2005; Thomson, Petticrew, & Morrison, 2002). Studies have noted that: “there is no widely shared consensus about the nature of the relationship between health status and domestic living conditions” (Roderick, 2006: 540) and that the “current interventions linking housing and health are woefully limited in both scope and scale” (Northridge, Sclar, & Biswas, 2003: 557). A systematic review of the literature considering the relationship between housing and health indicates that poor housing is strongly linked to poor health, giving rise to the question of whether “poor health can be improved by improving housing.” (Thomson & Petticrew, 2005: 3). A number of studies have debated this possible link between improved housing and improved health (Ambrose, 2000; Howden-Chapman et al., 2005; Krieger & Higgins, 2002; Krieger, Takaro, Song, & Weaver, 2005; Thomson, Petticrew, & Douglas, 2003; Thomson, Petticrew, & Morrison, 2009). Thomson and Petticrew (2005: 3) note that “[t]he well-established links between poor health, poor housing and poverty suggest that housing improvements in disadvantaged areas or social housing may provide a population-based strategy to improve health and reduce health inequalities”. On the other hand, some research findings indicate that improved housing increases the financial burden on households, which results in deterioration in health outcomes (Bradley et al., 1992; Krieger & Higgins, 2002). A recent paper on urban health in low-income countries argues that there is a strong “need to better understand how changes in the built environment in LMICs affect health equity” (Smit et al., 2011: 875). Since 1994, the South African government has embarked on one of the largest low-income housing programmes in the world, constructing approximately 3.3 million new housing units to date (Sexwale, 2013). Despite a substantial amount of international research and a few local case studies on health and housing, a national understanding of the potential impact of these subsidised housing units on health outcomes remains limited. This paper fills this gap by providing a national assessment of the health impacts of the South African subsidised housing programme. The intention is to provide a broad overview which can lay the foundation for more detailed and narrow assessments in the future. Housing and health: the international debate According to Roderick (2006), empirical studies show that eight main components of residential environments should be taken into consideration when examining the relationship between housing * Corresponding author. Tel./fax: þ27 514012978. E-mail addresses: [email protected], [email protected] (L. Marais), [email protected] (J. Cloete). 1 Tel.: þ27 514019111; fax: þ27 514014324. Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Habitat International journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/habitatint http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.habitatint.2014.01.015 0197-3975/2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Habitat International 43 (2014) 48e60 and health. Three of these aspects are relevant to this paper. First, safe drinking water, adequate sanitation and adequate refuse removal have all been associated with good health (Hardoy, Milton, & Satterthwaite, 1992). It is particularly children’s health and growth that are compromised by poor access to water and sanitation (Agarwal, Satyavada, Patra, & Kumar, 2008; Bartlett, 1999, 2010; Moe & Rheingans, 2006). The health benefits of in-house water, as opposed to public stand-pipes, have also been noted (Bradley et al., 1992). A study in Brazil found that children with access to public stand-pipe water were 4.8 times more likely to die of diarrhoea than children who had water available on their stand (Bradley et al., 1992). Similarly, research in urban slums in India showed that better-serviced slums had lower levels of child mortality and morbidity (Agarwal & Taneja, 2005), while slums were worse off than formal urban areas (Agarwal, 2011). In Kenya, slum areas had even worse mortality and morbidity figures than rural areas (African Population and Health Research Center, 2002). Research conducted in slums in Nairobi has shown that infant, child and under-five mortality rates are respectively 20, 65 and 35% higher than in rural Kenya (Zulu et al., 2011). Higher infant mortality resulting from inadequate water access has also been noted in Brazil (Agarwal et al., 2008; Bradley et al., 1992). In addition, the outbreak of cholera is associated with poor water access and quality (Penrose, de Castro, Werema, & Ryan, 2010). Researchers have argued that the poor health outcomes of slums-dwellers of all ages can be attributed to poor environmental and infrastructural conditions, limited access to health services and preventative healthcare, and the poor quality of health services in such areas (Zulu et al., 2011). In the last decade, researchers have started to warn about deteriorating urban infrastructure, as this could likely have a negative impact on water quality (Galea & Vlahov, 2005). Meanwhile, poor housing conditions associated with the lack of refuse removal have been linked to asthma and other chronic diseases (Krieger & Higgins, 2002). Secondly, neighbourhood atmospheric conditions and indoor air quality (closely related to ventilation) have considerable impacts on health. Three major factors in this respect are industrial pollution, fuels used for cooking and heating and crowded occupancy conditions. The relationship between indoor living conditions (especially crowding) and airborne diseases such as tuberculosis (Agarwal et al., 2008; Krieger & Higgins, 2002) and respiratory diseases such as asthma has been well established (Alder, 1995; Krieger & Higgins, 2002; O’Campo & Yonas, 2005). Cold, damp and mouldy housing conditions have also been identified as health risks (Wilkinson, 1999). Meanwhile, energy-efficiency measures have been linked with a decrease in respiratory diseases (Thomson et al., 2009), although the outcomes in this regard are not always particularly clear (Wilkinson, 1999). Indoor pollution (related to heating and cooking fuels, smoking, etc.) and outdoor pollution contribute to more than three million deaths annually, of which 90% occur in developing countries (Galea & Vlahov, 2005). Once again, the risk factor for children seems to be higher (Bartlett, 1999; Roderick, 2006), and studies have shown that upgrading housing conditions leads to fewer days of absence from school (Northridge et al., 2003). High variation in indoor temperature has also been identified as a contributing factor to morbidity and mortality (Scovronick & Armstrong, 2012). Other concerns include the high level of injuries associated with a poor living environment (Krieger & Higgins, 2002; Saegeart, Freudenberg, Cooperman-Mroczek, & Nassar, 2003; Ziraba, Kyobutungi, & Zulu, 2011) and the relationship between dampness and headaches (Krieger & Higgins, 2002). Finally, the location of settlements in relation to social institutions (such as hospitals, health clinics and schools) and the affordability of the services offered by such facilities are important considerations. Access to vaccinations serves as a proxy measure in this respect. It is especially child vaccinations which are problematic; studies in India found that 60% of poor children living in urban areas have not been vaccinated by the age of one (Agarwal et al., 2008), while vaccinations in slums in Nairobi were found to be of poorer quality than those in formal urban areas (Table 1 provides a summary of the discussion). The South African debate: housing policy and health Historical urbanisation processes in South Africa have been well documented (Mabin, 1991, 1992; Posel, 1991), and the historical context in respect of urbanisation and housing is important to understand. For the purpose of this paper, we concentrate on three historical processes which influenced urbanisation and the housing crisis and delayed the ‘epidemiological transition’ in South Africa. In the first place, influx control played a profound role from 1910. This was a deliberate attempt to prevent the movement of black South Africans (mainly Africans, but Indian and Coloured communities as well) from rural to urban areas. With the rise of the apartheid state after 1948, influx control mechanisms were tightened (Mabin, 1992), but approximately 500 000 state rental houses were provided between 1950 and 1970. Although influx control managed to limit the rate of urbanisation, it did not prevent urbanisation completely. People continued to move to urban areas legally and/or illegally, in some cases following a process of circular migration (Mabin, 1992). A second process involved the forced removals of non-white South Africans (Mabin, 1991) and in some cases, the bulldozing of informal settlements (Harrison, 1992; Platzky & Walker, 1985). Thirdly, after influx control was abolished in 1985, it was replaced by a policy of orderly urbanisation (Wolfson, 1991). In practical terms, this meant that houses were delivered mainly to higher-income groups, and very little was done to make land available to lower-income households. Consequently, large numbers of black people rented formal and informal housing in the backyards of formal stands or lodged within such households (Hendler, 1991). The above-mentioned processes had three main consequences. First, because black urbanisation was delayed, the country did not benefit from the improvements in health that go along with urbanisation. Instead, South Africa experienced an urban health penalty as people settled in informal settlements. Second, once the mechanisms used to control urbanisation could no longer be policed (by the early 1990s), informal settlements developed on a large scale across South African cities (Wolfson, 1991), further contributing to the urban health penalty. In an attempt to address the sprawl of informal settlements in urban areas, the apartheid state provided funds to the Independent Development Trust (IDT) between 1992 and 1994 to initiate a site and service programme based on a capital subsidy (R7500). Third, significant numbers of people have settled in backyards of formal households (either informally or formally). It is within this context of circular migration, increasing urbanisation, increasing settlement in backyard dwellings, extensive informal settlements and the existing capital subsidy mechanisms of the IDT that the National Housing Forum designed a new housing policy just before the political transition in 1994. This policy was by and large accepted and implemented by the new post-apartheid government (Rust & Rubenstein, 1996). A number of key debates dominated the proceedings of the National Housing Forum (see Tomlinson, 1998), of which three are worth mentioning here. The first debate revolved around who the main supplier of housing should be e the state or the private sector. The second debate was about what type of subsidy was required, while the third centred on the size of the housing units to be constructed (the so-called breadth versus depth debate) e a theme which has remained L. Marais, J. Cloete / Habitat International 43 (2014) 48e60 49 pivotal in the South African housing environment. The outcomes of these debates included a continuation of the capital subsidy programme (albeit at an amount of R15 000 in order to subsidise a starter home in addition to services), an emphasis on private sector involvement in the development process, and the positioning of the housing subsidy programme within the macroeconomic realities of South Africa. These debates have continued long after the inception of policy. Scholars have pointed out that South African housing policy is the result of both international and local influences e “scan globally, reinvent locally” (Gilbert, 2002) e and that inflation has played a key role in reducing the size of the end-product (Gilbert, 2004). It is noteworthy that the original debate about housing size and the level of services to be provided was a balancing act between the pressure to provide ‘something substantial’ e an idealistic target of one million units in the first five years e and the macroeconomic limits of the South African state budget (Tomlinson, 1998). It was thus not long before the housing subsidy programme was criticised for being neo-liberal, technocratic and dominated by the private sector (Huchzermeyer, 2004; Khan, 2003; Lalloo, 1999). Khan (2003) even argued that the neo-liberal tendencies had a negative impact on health (although no empirical evidence was provided). Other points of criticism of the housing policy are the fact that the policy excludes backyard dwellers (Bank, 2007) and focuses exclusively on homeownership, despite research showing the important contribution that backyard rental dwellings make to the existing housing stock in South Africa (Crankshaw, Gilbert, & Morris, 2000). Issues related to health have received little attention in these debates, but the notion of health was prominently captured in the 1994 White Paper on Housing through phrases such as “healthy environment”, “health standards” and “the need to ensure basic health” (Department of Housing, 1994). There is a considerable body of research since the early 1990s that has focused on housing policy and informal settlements (Huchzermeyer & Karam, 2006; Khan & Thring, 2003; Marais & Ntema, 2013), but the amount of work on housing and health in South Africa remains small. This is starting to change, although there are still very few South African studies which relate the housing subsidy programme with other housing typologies. The available academic research (excluding Masters and Ph.D. theses) focuses on housing conditions and public health in general (Mathee, 2011; Thomas et al., 1999); the importance of infrastructure services, especially considering the HIV/AIDS pandemic in South Africa (Ambert, 2006; Letsoala, 2001; Vearey, Palmary, Thomas, Nunez, & Drimie, 2010); health in informal settlements e often compared with formal housing (De Wet, Plagerson, & Harpham, 2011; Shortt & Hammond, 2013); in-house housing temperatures (Scovronick & Armstrong, 2012); indoor air quality and health (Norman, Barnes, Mathee, & Bradshaw, 2007; Rollin, Mathee, Bruce, Levin, & Von Schirnding, 2004); lead exposure (Naicker, Richter, Mathee, Becker, & Norris, 2012); and housing conditions and mental health (Marais et al., 2013; Thomas, 2006). A small but wide-ranging body of post-graduate work has also focused on housing and health, with informal settlements being a Table 1 Framework for the analysis in the paper. Framework element Approach Housing and socio-economic indicators Health indicators Adults (the respondent) Children (interview conducted with a child younger than 15) The provision of water, adequate sanitation and adequate refuse removal - Compare housing attributes across different housing typologies with the health outcomes - Linear regressions; binomial logistic regressions - Housing and settlement typologies/Nature of housing structure - Socio-economic indicators (gender, hunger, age and availability of a fridge) - Nature of water access (including distance to water) - Access to sanitation - Toilet facility shared - Access to refuse removal - Household income/ expenditure - Levels of hunger amongst adults/children - Fridge available Last 30 days: Flu; fever; vomiting; persistent cough; cough with blood; diarrhoea; rash; skin disorders; eye infection; yellow eyes - Infant mortality (total and for women younger than 48) - Child mortality (total and for women younger than 48) - % of Children stunted - % of Children overweight - % of Children underweight - Standard numeracy score Relationship between neighbourhood atmospheric conditions and indoor air quality (closely related to ventilation) has considerable impacts on health - Compare housing attributes across different housing typologies with the health outcomes - Linear regressions; binomial logistic regressions - Housing and settlement typologies/nature of housing structure - Socio-economic indicators (gender, hunger, age and availability of a fridge) - Energy used for heating - Energy used for cooking - Housing density (average number of rooms per house/ average number of people per room) - Levels of hunger amongst adults/children - Fridge available Last 30 days: Persistent cough; body ache; headache; serious injury Diagnosed with x in the last five years: TB Asthma Occupancy conditions are closely related to airborne infections as well as to the likelihood of domestic accidents Location of settlements in relation to social amenities and affordability Compare access to health services across different typologies - Housing and settlement typologies/nature of housing structure - Children born in hospital - Children with birth certificate - Children born in the presence of a doctor - Children born in the presence of a nurse - Children with clinic card 50 L. Marais, J. Cloete / Habitat International 43 (2014) 48e60 common theme. More specifically, this post-graduate work has focused on HIV/AIDS and TB (Jacobs, 2005; Nyembe, 2001; Sesing, 2002); general health status and needs assessments in informal settlements (Mdlalose, 2004; Sikhutshwa, 2000; Van Wyk, 2008); health and malnutrition (Mncube, 2003); respiratory disease (Makene, 2008); water quality and health (Bokako, 2000; Lucas, 2009); health risks associated with kerosene use (Muller, 2002); psychiatric disorders (Robertson, 1994); physical activity (Mncube, 2003; Tshabangu, 1999); medicine use or prescription patterns (Shingwenyana, 2001); and the polio virus (Rautenbach, 1997). Other urban aspects related to health that have been researched are backyard dwellings (Govender, 2011) and hostels (Kiangi, 1998), while the concepts of marginal urban areas and low-income settlements are used to conceptualise different forms of urbanity (Seedat, 2001). Govender, Barnes, and Pieper (2011) have also related poor health in subsidised housing units to poor planning. One key policy aspect that receives constant attention is the size of the actual housing product being delivered. As noted by Charlton and Kihato (2006: 266), “the introduction of the ‘norms and standards’ in 1999 placed increasing focus on improving the quality of the top-structure or house. Ironically this resulted in a compromise on the service levels.” It should be noted, though, that some municipalities have continued to provide the required urban infrastructure even after the norms and standards increased in 1999. Some researchers have argued that the emphasis on macroeconomic stability limited the size of the subsidy, resulting in homes that are small (between 24 m2 and 40 m2 ), and according to some, inadequate (Khan, 2003). A few final points of criticism of South Africa’s housing policy come from housing researcher Marie Huchzermeyer. Firstly, she notes that housing subsidy units are usually located on the periphery of urban areas, resulting in poor access to urban amenities such as medical services (Huchzermeyer, 2004). Secondly, although a new informal settlement upgrading instrument was accepted in the mid-2000s (Huchzermeyer, 2006), marking an acceptance of incremental upgrading of informal settlements (including backyard dwellings), the latest tendencies suggest that the focus has now shifted towards an over-emphasis on “eradication”, “elimination” and “zero tolerance”, all of which are commonly used to displace people (Huchzermeyer, 2010). In conclusion, there are five main lessons that can be drawn from the existing work on housing and health outcomes in South Africa. Results are (1) mainly inconclusive (as is the case internationally), (2) based on self-reporting, and (3) often contradictory; (4) age plays perhaps the most important role in respect of the health profile of a population, and (5) informal settlements are a common area of investigation, with limited reference made to backyard dwellings, hostels and other urban typologies. In terms of the focus of this paper, no literature was found that specifically investigates the health impacts of either the housing subsidy programme overall or the new policy direction of providing bigger homes with less infrastructure services. It is to this aspect that the paper now turns. Methods This paper is a cross-sectional analysis of data collected during the National Income Dynamics Study (NiDS). Conducted by the Southern Africa Labour Development and Research Unit at the University of Cape Town, the NiDS is a panel study of South African households that focused primarily on household and individual livelihood but also covered a range of socio-economic issues. The study consisted of approximately 16 500 adults (aged 15 and older) and 9500 children (under 15 years of age) in 7300 households. Statistics South Africa collected the data using a stratified, twostage cluster sample design. Although the study is repeated biennially, with surveys having been conducted in 2008, 2010 and 2012 (for more information see Leibbrandt, Woolard, & De Villiers, 2009), this paper makes use of only the data collected in 2008. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS), Version 20 was used for modelling. Taking into consideration the four elements discussed in the literature review, this paper utilises two approaches and a range of indicators. In the first place, five typologies (representing overlapping groupings of common housing situations with varying housing unit, settlement and service characteristics) are discussed and compared through a process of cross-tabulation in terms of socioeconomic characteristics and health outcomes. The following settlement typologies were analysed (see Tables 2 and 3): (1) subsidised housing e housing units constructed through the subsidy programme within the ambit of formal urban town-planning Table 2 Profile of the housing, settlement and services conditions for the various typologies in South Africa, 2008. Housing characteristics Subsidised housing Informal settlement Informal housing Formal settlement (%) South Africa (%) Total (%) Makene, C. (2008). Housing-related risk factors for respiratory disease in low cost housing settlements in Johannesburg, South Africa (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand. Marais, L., & Ntema, J. (2013). 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Quantification of the human health risks associated with kerosene use in the informal settlement of Cato Manor, Durban (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Durban: University of Natal. Naicker, N., Richter, L., Mathee, A., Becker, P., & Norris, S. (2012). Environmental lead exposure and socio-behavioural adjustment in the early teens: the birth to twenty cohort. Science of the Total Environment, 414, 120e125. Norman, R., Barnes, B., Mathee, A., & Bradshaw, D. (2007). Estimating the burden of disease attributable to indoor air pollution from household use of solid fuels in South Africa in 2000. South African Medical Journal, 97(8), 764e771. Northridge, M., Sclar, D., & Biswas, P. (2003). Sorting out connections between the built environment and health: a conceptual framework for navigating pathways and planning healthy cities. 80(4), 556e568. Nyembe, L. (2001). An investigation into home-based care as a continuum of the comprehensive health care provision for people living with AIDS at Umlazi and its informal settlements in health region F of KwaZulu-Natal (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Durban: University of KwaZulu-Natal. O’Campo, P., & Yonas, M. (2005). Health of economically deprived populations in cities. In S. Galea, & D. Vlahov (Eds.), Urban health handbook. Populations, methods and practice (pp. 43e62). New York: Springer. Penrose, K., de Castro, M., Werema, J., & Ryan, E. (2010). Informal urban settlements and cholera risk in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. A compendium on health of urban poor in Africa. New Delhi: Urban Health Resource Center. Platzky, L., & Walker, C. (1985). The surplus people: Forced removals in South Africa. Johannesburg: Ravan Press. Posel, D. (1991). Curbing African urbanization in the 1950 and 1960s. In M. Swilling, R. Humphries, & K. Shubane (Eds.), Apartheid city in transition (pp. 19e32). Cape Town: Oxford University Press. Rautenbach, P. d. (1997). An overview of environmental monitoring for polio-virus with an application in an informal settlement area (Unpublished master’s degree). Pretoria: University of Pretoria. Robertson, B. (1994). Psychiatric disorder in Africa children and adolescents in an informal settlement area, Khayelitsha (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Cape Town: University of Cape Town. Roderick, J. (2006). Housing and health: beyond disciplinary confinement. Journal of Urban Health, 83(3), 540e548. Rollin, H., Mathee, A., Bruce, N., Levin, J., & Von Schirnding, J. (2004). Comparison of indoor air quality in electrified and un-electrified dwellings in rural South African villages. Indoor Air, 14, 208e216. Rust, K., & Rubenstein, S. (1996). A mandate to build: Developing consensus around a national housing policy in South Africa. Johannesburg: Ravan Press. Saegeart, S., Freudenberg, N., Cooperman-Mroczek, J., & Nassar, S. (2003). Healthy housing, a structured review of published evaluations of US interventions to improve health by modifying health in the United States, 1990e2001. American Journal of Public Health, 93(3), 1471e1477. Scovronick, N., & Armstrong, B. (2012). The impact of housing type on temperaturerelated mortality in South Africa. 113, 46e51. Seedat, M. (2001). Best practices for injury prevention in low-income South African settlements (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Pretoria: University of South Africa. Sesing, Y. (2002). An investigation into TB and its relationship with HIV/AIDS in the informal settlement of Joubertina (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Pretoria: University of South Africa. Sexwale, T. (22 May 2013). Human settlements budget speech by Minister Tokyo Sexwale to the National Assembly. Shingwenyana, N. (2001). Prescribing patterns for patients attending a health centre in an informal urban settlement in Gauteng for the period March 2003 to June 2003 (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand. Shortt, N., & Hammond, D. (2013). Housing and health in an informal settlement upgrade in Cape Town, South Africa. Journal of Housing and the Built Environment. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10901-013-9347-4. Sikhutshwa, N. (2000). The impact of informal settlements on the health status of the residents at Holomisa Camp (Unpublished master’s dissertation). Ulundi: University of Zululand. Smit, W., Hancock, T., Kumaresen, J., Santos-Burgoa, C., Sánchez-Kobashi Meneses, R., & Friel, S. (2011). Toward a research and action agenda on urban planning/design and health equity in cities in low and middle-income countries. Journal for Urban Health, 88(5), 875e885. Thomas, E. (2006).
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